Forty years ago on this day
India was gagged and muzzled. The night between 25 and 26 June, 1975 was
one of midnight knocks and arbitrary arrests of almost the entire
opposition leadership. Destruction of personal liberty on such scale had
not been seen since the British left. For that reason, and because one
individual was blamed for these events, the impression of the Emergency
remains one of India coming close to a dictatorship.
That
has not changed. Since then, India has touched safer waters and the
danger of one person, or even a clique, taking over power is remote. The
facts of that time are incontrovertible. The personal accounts (and
suffering) of a large number of Indians who were incarcerated, the mass
sterilization campaign and the extensive censorship of the press are
illustrative of what happened in those years.
The havoc wreaked by Sanjay Gandhi—Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s son—is well known.
The reasons for breakdown of democracy are, however, contested hotly.
The
personal ambition story of Emergency pins the blame on Indira Gandhi
and her love for Sanjay Gandhi. This version of events comes close to
the Great Man strain of history. This is, at best, a partial rendering:
It leaves many questions unanswered. For example, how did one person
come to assume near dictatorial authority? There is no evidence for a
German-style seizure of power.
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Illustration: Jayachandran/Mint
If one examines
events preceding the Emergency, going back at least five years, one
finds overwhelming evidence that India found itself in an abnormal state
in the years 1969-1975. One can draw an almost straight line from the
nationalization of banks in 1969 to the events of 25 June, 1975. Each
incident provided the cue for the next one, until India found itself in
historical wreckage.
Few
remember the economic problems that preceded the Emergency. India’s
economic hardships went hand-in-hand with the political moves that
ushered Emergency. The failure of the monsoon for two years in a row was
accompanied by the quadrupling of international oil prices between
October 1973 to March 1974. Tight controls on economic activity as well
as rapid money supply growth made matters worse. Average consumer price
inflation was above 20% for two consecutive years, as price increases
were passed on to citizens. This broke the dam of public anger, making
the government nervous.
A
simplified version of the story begins in July 1971 when three
amendments to the Constitution were moved in Parliament. The 24th, 25th
and 26th amendments were pivotal in India’s move towards
authoritarianism.
The 24th amendment gave overriding powers to Parliament to destroy fundamental rights by simply amending the Constitution.
The 25th amendment finally destroyed the right to property.
The
26th amendment abolished privy purses of Indian rulers—a promise that
had been given to these erstwhile rulers by independent India’s first
government. Logically, it was the first application of the ending of
right to property.
The
statement of objects and reasons behind these Bills clearly states that
these amendments were essential to give shape to the socialistic
directive principles of state policy. In undertaking this emasculation
of the Constitution, Indira Gandhi had the overwhelming support of the
Left wing of her party—Mohan Dharia, Mohan Kumaramangalam and others—and
also the communist parties.
Matters did not stop there, as they often don’t in a march to dictatorship.
Soon
after these changes to the Constitution were made, the distinction
between socialism and personal power was lost. The Left radicals in the
Congress began talking about the necessity of crafting a new
Constitution. In a forgotten chapter of history, the legislative
assemblies of Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Punjab passed resolutions
demanding the convening of a new Constituent Assembly.
In
a parallel move, a committee under Swaran Singh—a Congress
veteran—began examining the changes in the Constitution demanded by the
so-called Young Turks. This report, in turn, was taken over by law
minister H.R. Gokhale and what he drafted became the 42nd amendment to
the Constitution which ended any democratic pretensions India had left
at that time.
In doing all
this, leftists thought they were furthering socialism, while sycophants
like Bansi Lal, the strongman from Haryana, were clear that they wanted
Indira Gandhi to wield executive authority for life. It was this
historical process, spanning several years that ultimately allowed
Indira Gandhi to do what she pleased.
From
a contemporary perspective these events are nearly impossible to
replicate. Governments in the last quarter century have often found it
hard to get simple Bills passed in Parliament; to imagine the momentous
Constitutional changes of those years is to forcibly imagine nightmares.
If one adds the layer of a far stronger judiciary to this matrix, one can safely rule out any Emergency-like adventure.
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